1941 in Germany



Nonetheless, it immediately renewed its hateful policy of encirclement against Germany. With the help of confused and immature people, the Rumanian Legion succeeded in organizing a coup that removed General Antonescu and plunged the nation into chaos.

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My wish was for final agreement with this state, and if possible a lasting settlement. But even during our march into Poland, in violation of the treaty, the Soviet rulers suddenly claimed Lithuania. The German Reich never intended to occupy Lithuania, and never made any such demand on Lithuania.

To the contrary, it turned down the request by the Lithuanian government to send German troops there, since that did not correspond to the goals of German policy. Nonetheless, I accepted this new Russian demand.

But that was only the beginning of ever new demands. The victory on Poland, gained exclusively by German troops, gave me the occasion to extend a new offer of peace to the Western powers. It was rejected by the international and Jewish warmongers. The reason was that England still hoped to mobilize a European coalition against Germany that would include the Balkans and Soviet Russia.

Those in London decided to send Ambassador Cripps to Moscow. He has clear orders to improve relations between England and Soviet Russia, and to develop them along lines England wanted.

The English press reported on the progress of his mission, as long as they were not silent for tactical reasons. The first results were evident in fall and spring Russia justified its attempts to subject not only Finland, but also the Baltic states, by the sudden false and absurd claim that it was protecting them from a foreign threat, or that it was acting to prevent that threat.

Only Germany could have been meant. No other power could enter the Baltic Sea, or wage war there. I still had to remain silent. The rulers of the Kremlin continued. Consistent with the so-called friendship treaty, Germany removed its troops far from its eastern border in spring Russian forces were already moving in, and in numbers that could only be seen as a clear threat to Germany.

According to a statement by Molotov, there were already 22 Russian divisions in the Baltic states in spring Although the Russian government always claimed that the troops were there at the request of the people who lived there, their purpose could only be seen as a demonstration aimed at Germany.

As our soldiers attacked French-British forces in the west, the extent of the Russian advance on our eastern front grew ever more threatening. In August , I concluded that, given the increasing number of powerful Bolshevist divisions, it was no longer in the interests of the Reich to leave the eastern provinces, so often devastated by war, unprotected.

This, however, is exactly what the British and Soviets had hoped. The fact that so much of the German forces, in particular the air force, was tied down in the east made it impossible for the German leadership to bring a radical end to the war in the West. This was the goal of both British and Soviet Russian policy. Both England and Soviet Russia wanted to prolong this war as long as possible in order to weaken all of Europe and plunge it into ever greater impotence.

With boundless patience, the German Reich attempted after to win over the southeastern European states as trading partners. We, therefore, had the greatest possible interest in their domestic stability and order.

Despite our principles and customs, and despite the fact that the Rumanian government had brought on these troubles itself, I urgently advised them, for the sake of peace, to bow to Soviet extortion and cede Bessarabia.

The Rumanian government, however, believed that it could justify this step to its own people only if Germany and Italy in return guaranteed the security of its remaining territory. I did this with a heavy heart. When the German government gives a guarantee, it will stand by it. We are neither English nor Jewish. I thus believed that I had saved peace at the last moment, even if at the cost of a heavy obligation.

To reach a final resolution of these problems and to clarify Russian intentions toward the Reich, as well as under the pressure of steadily increasing mobilization along our eastern border, I invited Mr. Molotov to come to Berlin. The Soviet foreign minister demanded further clarification from Germany on the following four questions:.

The German guarantee is broad and obligates us absolutely. Russia has never told us that it has any interest in Rumania outside Bessarabia. The occupation of northern Bukowina was already a violation of this assurance. I therefore do not believe that Russia could have any further claims on Rumania. Russia feels itself threatened by Finland again. Russia is unwilling to tolerate this.

Is Germany ready to provide no support for Finland, and above all to withdraw the German troops in Kirkenes? As in the past, Germany has no political interests in Finland. However, the German government cannot accept a new Russian war against the tiny Finnish people, particularly since we could never believe that Finland threatens Russia.

However, we do not want war in the Baltic Sea. Is Germany willing for Soviet Russia to provide a guarantee to Bulgaria, and to send Soviet-Russian troops to Bulgaria for this purpose — although he Molotov wished to say that they did not have the intention of removing the king.

Bulgaria is a sovereign state, and I did not know that, just as Rumania had asked for a German guarantee, Bulgaria has asked for one from Soviet Russia. I would also have to discuss the matter with my allies.

Soviet Russia absolutely requires free passage through the Dardanelle, and also demands, for its protection, several important positions on the Dardanelle or along the Bosporus. Is Germany willing to agree to this or not? Germany is ready at any time to agree to changes in the Statute of Montreux that benefit the Black Sea states.

Germany is not willing to approve Russian bases on the straights. I behaved as the responsible leader of the German Reich, but also as a responsible representative of European culture and civilization. The result was an increase in Soviet Russian activity against the Reich, above all the immediate beginning of efforts to subvert the new Rumanian state and an attempt to use propaganda to eliminate the Bulgarian government.

With the help of confused and immature people, the Rumanian Legion succeeded in organizing a coup that removed General Antonescu and plunged the nation into chaos.

By removing legal authority, they also removed the grounds for Germany to act on its guarantee. Immediately after this enterprise collapsed, there was a new increase in Russian troops along the German eastern border. Increasing numbers of tank and parachute divisions threatened the German border. The German army, and the German homeland, know that until a few weeks ago, there was not a single German tank or motorized division on our eastern border.

If anyone needed final proof of the carefully hidden coalition between England and Soviet Russia, the conflict in Yugoslavia provided it. While I was making a last attempt to keep peace in the Balkans, and in agreement with the Duce invited Yugoslavia to join the Three Power Pact, England and Soviet Russia organized a coup that toppled the government that was ready for such an agreement. The German people can now be told that the Serbian coup against Germany was under both the English and Soviet Russian flags.

Since we were silent, the Soviet Russian government went a step further. It was no platonic effort, either. Since I still believed that it was better not to speak, the rulers of the Kremlin took a further step.

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